Unveiling Popular Misperceptions
What do you think is the biggest barrier to rebuilding New Orleans, and particularly in this area? “...Institutionalized racism. Do you want me to go on?”
Laura Paul is the executive director of Lowernine.org, a New Orleans-based organization that assists local homeowners of the Lower Ninth Ward with their rebuilding efforts. Laura has spent the past decade in NOLA assisting with rebuilding projects. She spoke with us about the problems she has witnessed as a volunteer and emphasized how race and class have factored into governmental and national responses.
Although some journalists, academics, and public figures have discussed how the storm disproportionately impacted low-income families of color, frequently the analysis of why is missing from public discourse.
In 2006, doctoral student Kristen Lavelle published an article in Monthly Review, an independent socialist magazine. She detailed the history of the region as it pertains to the slave trade, segregation, and regional racial environment leading up to the storm.
Although some journalists, academics, and public figures have discussed how the storm disproportionately impacted low-income families of color, frequently the analysis of why is missing from public discourse.
In 2006, doctoral student Kristen Lavelle published an article in Monthly Review, an independent socialist magazine. She detailed the history of the region as it pertains to the slave trade, segregation, and regional racial environment leading up to the storm.
The reason the Katrina disaster seemed like a race issue was because it was. The reason it seemed like a class issue was because it was. In reality, race and class are deeply intertwined in New Orleans primarily because of a long history of well-institutionalized racism. - Kristen Lavelle
What makes these issues especially salient, according to Laura, is the fact that New Orleans had one of the highest rates of African-American homeownership in the nation, in large part because the homes had been passed down through families for many generations. This was in spite of the fact that many families in the area lived below the poverty line.
When these families — who were primarily African American — were relocated to other cities following the storm, they were often dependent on minimum wage jobs, when they were able to find employment. Much of their paychecks went toward rent, an expense that hadn’t been a concern while they owned homes in the Lower Ninth Ward, Laura said.
Though some national conversations about the storm and rebuilding efforts addressed the barriers created by racism and classism, some media exacerbated stereotypes and simplified the challenges faced by residents post-Katrina.
For example, in March 2012, the New York Times Sunday magazine published an article headlined “Jungleland: The Lower Ninth Ward in New Orleans Gives New Meaning to ‘Urban Growth.’” Laura said it was a “really an unfortunate title because it has racial connotations, and the writer I don't think even thought about that when he wrote it,” citing a radio interview with the author she had heard following its publication.
Part of Lowernine.org’s funding comes from Lower Ninth Ward tours, which involve Laura driving tourists around the neighborhood. The tours are facilitated through relationships with hotel concierges. However, for residents not seeking official tours, the concierges often recommend tourists steer clear of the area.
“They’re giving out city maps, and the Lower Ninth Ward, there’s a big red X through it,” Laura said, “and they tell people it’s dangerous to come here.”
While many former residents are still working to return to the Lower Ninth Ward, national public perception is in conflict with itself: the two dominant narratives are both that the area is too dangerous to visit, but also that the rebuilding barriers have been resolved. Nearly a decade after the storm, institutional racism remains an obstacle to recovery and the lens through which the nation sees the people of New Orleans.
When these families — who were primarily African American — were relocated to other cities following the storm, they were often dependent on minimum wage jobs, when they were able to find employment. Much of their paychecks went toward rent, an expense that hadn’t been a concern while they owned homes in the Lower Ninth Ward, Laura said.
Though some national conversations about the storm and rebuilding efforts addressed the barriers created by racism and classism, some media exacerbated stereotypes and simplified the challenges faced by residents post-Katrina.
For example, in March 2012, the New York Times Sunday magazine published an article headlined “Jungleland: The Lower Ninth Ward in New Orleans Gives New Meaning to ‘Urban Growth.’” Laura said it was a “really an unfortunate title because it has racial connotations, and the writer I don't think even thought about that when he wrote it,” citing a radio interview with the author she had heard following its publication.
Part of Lowernine.org’s funding comes from Lower Ninth Ward tours, which involve Laura driving tourists around the neighborhood. The tours are facilitated through relationships with hotel concierges. However, for residents not seeking official tours, the concierges often recommend tourists steer clear of the area.
“They’re giving out city maps, and the Lower Ninth Ward, there’s a big red X through it,” Laura said, “and they tell people it’s dangerous to come here.”
While many former residents are still working to return to the Lower Ninth Ward, national public perception is in conflict with itself: the two dominant narratives are both that the area is too dangerous to visit, but also that the rebuilding barriers have been resolved. Nearly a decade after the storm, institutional racism remains an obstacle to recovery and the lens through which the nation sees the people of New Orleans.